Showing posts with label Divisia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Divisia. Show all posts

Sunday, December 8, 2013

Milton Friedman and moneyness

Steve Williamson recently posted a joke of sorts:
What's the difference between a New Keynesian, an Old Monetarist, and a New Monetarist? A New Keynesian thinks no assets matter, an Old Monetarist thinks that some of the assets matter, and a New Monetarist thinks all of the assets matter.
While I wouldn't try it around the dinner table, what Steve seems to be referring to here is the question of money. New Keynesians don't have money in their models, Old Monetarists have some narrow aggregate of assets that qualify as M, and New Monetarists like Steve think everything is money-like.*

This is a interesting way to describe their differences, but is it right? In this post I'll argue that these divisions aren't so cut and dry. Surprisingly enough, Milton Friedman, an old-fashioned monetarist, was an occasional exponent of the idea that all assets are to some degree money-like. I like to call this the moneyness view. Typically when people think of money they take an either/or approach in which a few select goods fall into the money category while everything else falls into the non-money category. If we think in terms of moneyness, then money is a characteristic that all goods and assets possess to some degree or another.

One of my favorite examples of the idea of moneyness can be found in William Barnett's Divisia monetary aggregates. Popular monetary aggregates like M1 and M2 are constructed by a simple summation of the various assets that economists have seen fit to place in the bin labeled 'money'. Barnett's approach, on the other hand, is to quantify each asset's contribution to the Divisia monetary aggregate according to the marginal value that markets and investors place on that asset's moneyness, more specifically the value of the monetary services that it throws off. The more marketable an asset is on the margin, the greater its contribution to the Divisia aggregate.

Barnett isolates the monetary services provided by an asset by first removing the marginal value that investors place on that asset's non-monetary services, where non-monetary services might include pecuniary returns, investment yields and consumption yields. The residual that remains after removing these non-monetary components equates to the market's valuation of that given asset's monetary services. Since classical aggregates like M1 glob all assets together without first stripping away their various non-monetary service flows, they effectively combine monetary phenomena with non-monetary phenomena—a clumsy approach, especially when it is the former that we're interested in.

An interesting incident highlighting the differences between these two approaches occurred on September 26, 1983, when Milton Friedman, observing the terrific rise in M2 that year, published an article in Newsweek warning of impending inflation. Barnett simultaneously published an article in Forbes in which he downplayed the threat, largely because his Divisia monetary aggregates did not show the same rise as M2. The cause of this discrepancy was the recent authorization of money market deposit accounts (MMDAs) and NOW accounts in the US. These new "monies" had been piped directly into Friedman's preferred M2, causing the index to show a discrete jump. Barnett's Divisia had incorporated them only after adjusting for their liquidity. Since neither NOW accounts nor MMDAs were terribly liquid at the time—they did not throw off significant monetary services—their addition to Divisia hardly made a difference. As we know now, events would prove Friedman wrong since the large rise in M2 did not cause a new outbreak of inflation.**

However, Friedman was not above taking a moneyness approach to monetary phenomenon. As Barnett points out in his book Getting it Wrong, Friedman himself requested that Barnett's initial Divisia paper, written in 1980, include a reference to a passage in Friedman & Schwartz's famous Monetary History of the United States. In this passage, Friedman & Schwartz discuss the idea of taking a Divisia-style approach to constructing monetary aggregates:
One alternative that we did not consider nonetheless seems to us a promising line of approach. It involves regarding assets as joint products with different degrees of "moneyness" and defining the quantity of money as the weighted sum of the aggregate value of all assets, the weights varying with the degree of "moneyness".
F&S go on to say that this approach
consists of regarding each asset as a joint product having different degrees of "moneyness," and defining the quantity of money as the weighted sum of the aggregate value of all assets, the weights for individual assets varying from zero to unity with a weight of unity assigned to that asset or assets regarded as having the largest quantity of "moneyness" per dollar of aggregate value.
There you have it. The moneyness view didn't emerge suddenly out of the brains of New Monetarists. William Barnett was thinking about this stuff a long time ago, and even an Old Monetarist like Friedman had the idea running in the back of his mind. And if you go back even further than Friedman, you can find the idea in Keynes & Hayek, Mises, and as far back as Henry Thornton, who wrote in the early 1800s. The moneyness idea has a long history.



* Steve on moneyness: "all assets are to some extent useful in exchange, or as collateral. "Moneyness" is a matter of degree, and it is silly to draw a line between some assets that we call money and others which are not-money."

...and on old monetarists: "Central to Old Monetarism - the Quantity Theory of Money - is the idea that we can define some subset of assets to be "money". Money, according to an Old Monetarist, is the stuff that is used as a medium of exchange, and could include public liabilities (currency and bank reserves) as well as private ones (transactions deposits at financial institutions)."

** See Barnett, Which Road Leads to Stable Money Demand?

Tuesday, March 5, 2013

Line in the sand



Over at the Free Banking blog, Kurt Schuler has two good posts on where to draw the line between money and other assets. While Schuler likes to differentiate between the monetary base (deposits at the central bank + currency) and other assets, he points out that there are a number of other popular spots to scratch out a line. The monetarists, for instance, settled on M2. I seem to recall that in America's Great Depression, Murray Rothbard let the cash surrender value of life insurance policies slip over the line into money supply territory. There are a thousand-and-one places to draw the line.

Schuler notes that rather than drawing a sharp line between money and other assets, one can also recognize a spectrum of "moneyness." Anyone who's read this blog knows that I'm amenable to this idea. Before we can ask where do we draw the line? we need to ask how do we draw the line?. Either treat money as a set of distinct goods, or treat each good as more or less money-like. By money-like, I'm referring to a good's role as a medium-of-exchange, not its role as a store-of-value or unit-of-account.

I've tried to convey these two approaches in the graphic below. I don't think either approach is better than the other, but we should be consistent. Depending which one you choose, you'll probably be able to see the economy from a different perspective, and different perspectives can be helpful.


Rothbard and the monetarists took the first approach. Between which discrete goods should the line be drawn? Should bank deposits make it past the line or not? How about shares?

Rather than placing a line between discrete groups of goods, the second approach draws a unique line across each individual good. This line demarcates each good's monetary qualities from its non-monetary qualities. All goods are money, but some are more money-like than others. Cattle (i.e. commodities), for instance, are simultaneously capital/consumption goods while also having monetary properties. Even beer (consumer goods) has a degree of moneyness since specialized producers, wholesalers, and retailers hold bottles in inventory for the purposes of resale.

In his discussion of moneyness, Schuler invokes the same classic 1956 W.H. Hutt paper that I've mentioned before. According to Hutt, money throws off a constant stream of services, the essence of which is availability. Just as an unused fire extinguisher provides its owner with constant comfort, the availability of money in one's wallet provides a steady flow of relief. Hutt described this idea as the yield from money held. But Hutt's is still an expression of absolute money, not moneyness, for his choice of words implies that only money-proper yields availability services and all other goods be damned. I find it useful to convert Hutt's expression from one of absolutes to one of degrees by rephrasing it as the money-yield from goods held. Beer, cattle, houses, stocks, banknotes, and bank deposits all throw off availability services, though the size of this stream varies according to each good's marketability, or liquidity. Because this service is valuable, a premium gets built into the price of a given good, or a liquidity premium.

Continuing his discussion of moneyness, Schuler also brings up the Divisia index, a technique of aggregating monetary assets championed by William Barnett. Rather than simply summing up quantities of so-called money, a Divisia index is a weighted monetary index. A component's contribution to the index is determined (in part) by its degree of monetary usefulness. How are monetary services computed? A liquid asset's interest rate is compared to the rate yielded by an illiquid zero risk benchmark bond. The more interest that is foregone in holding the given liquid asset implies that larger monetary services are being offered to compensate the asset holder. In other words, the lower its interest rate, the more money-like the asset, and the larger a component's contribution to the Divisia index.

This is a fascinating approach. Theoretically, I'd go even further than Barnett in extending the continuum of moneyness beyond financial assets to stocks, houses, cows, and beer. Here the computations get difficult. Barnett uses market-determined interest rates from debt markets to determine each Divisia component's monetary services. But the return from a stock comes primarily in the form of expected capital appreciation, not interest, so teasing out a stock's monetary services by comparing it to some illiquid interest-yielding benchmark bond would probably prove to be difficult. The same goes for houses, and it gets harder to compute moneyness the further we wade into markets for commodities and goods.

Even if we arrive at some aggregate amount of money services, I'm not yet sure what it would be useful for, and for whom. In thinking about degrees of moneyness, my preferred application would be  liquidity spreads rather than liquidity aggregates. Being able to see the risk premium of a given asset via credit default swaps is certainly useful, at least to financial market participants. One would imagine that knowing an asset's liquidity premium—how that premium fluctuates over time and how it compares to other assets' premia—would be just as helpful as knowing its risk premium.